{"id":9243,"date":"2021-03-22T15:47:59","date_gmt":"2021-03-22T19:47:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.indianz.com\/News\/?p=9243"},"modified":"2021-03-22T17:12:14","modified_gmt":"2021-03-22T21:12:14","slug":"scotusblog-supreme-court-takes-up-messy-tribal-sovereignty-case","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/2021\/03\/22\/scotusblog-supreme-court-takes-up-messy-tribal-sovereignty-case\/","title":{"rendered":"SCOTUSBlog: Supreme Court takes up messy tribal sovereignty case"},"content":{"rendered":"<img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" data-attachment-id=\"9250\" data-permalink=\"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/2021\/03\/22\/scotusblog-supreme-court-takes-up-messy-tribal-sovereignty-case\/supremecourt-11\/\" data-orig-file=\"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/03\/22\/supremecourt-scaled.jpg\" data-orig-size=\"2560,1920\" data-comments-opened=\"0\" data-image-meta=\"{&quot;aperture&quot;:&quot;2.2&quot;,&quot;credit&quot;:&quot;&quot;,&quot;camera&quot;:&quot;iPhone 12 Pro Max&quot;,&quot;caption&quot;:&quot;&quot;,&quot;created_timestamp&quot;:&quot;1612726908&quot;,&quot;copyright&quot;:&quot;&quot;,&quot;focal_length&quot;:&quot;7.5&quot;,&quot;iso&quot;:&quot;20&quot;,&quot;shutter_speed&quot;:&quot;0.00043478260869565&quot;,&quot;title&quot;:&quot;&quot;,&quot;orientation&quot;:&quot;0&quot;}\" data-image-title=\"supremecourt\" data-image-description=\"\" data-image-caption=\"&lt;p&gt;The U.S. Supreme Court is seen behind barbed wire and barricades on 2nd Street NE in Washington, D.C. The more well-known entrance on 1st Street NE is currently unreachable by the general public following the violence at the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021. Photo by Indianz.Com &lt;a href=&quot;https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc-sa\/4.0\/&quot;&gt;(CC BY-NC-SA 4.0)&lt;\/a&gt;&lt;\/p&gt;\n\" data-large-file=\"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/03\/22\/supremecourt-1024x768.jpg\" src=\"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/03\/22\/supremecourt-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"supremecourt\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-9250\" \/>\r\n<figcaption class=\"figure-caption\">The U.S. Supreme Court is seen behind barbed wire and barricades on 2nd Street NE in Washington, D.C. The more well-known entrance on 1st Street NE is currently unreachable by the general public following the violence at the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021. Photo by Indianz.Com <a href=\"https:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc-sa\/4.0\/\">(CC BY-NC-SA 4.0)<\/a><\/figcaption>\r\n<div class=\"h3-responsive font-weight-bold\">Tribal police drag messy Indian sovereignty cases back to the court<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"date\">Monday, March 22, 2021<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"byline\"> By Elizabeth Reese  <a href=https:\/\/twitter.com\/yunpovi><i class=\"fab fa-twitter\"><\/i><\/a> <\/div>\r\n<div class=\"source\">SCOTUSBlog<\/div>\r\n<div class=\"source-links\"><a href=https:\/\/www.scotusblog.com\/>scotusblog.com<\/a><\/div>\r\n<P><\/P>\r\n&#8226; <Strong>On Clubhouse: <a href=https:\/\/www.joinclubhouse.com\/event\/PbRd9Q3K>Tribal Sovereignty and Supreme Court \ud83c\udfa7\ud83d\udc69\u200d\u2696\ufe0f\ud83c\udfdb<\/a> [Audio Only at 10am Eastern, March 23, 2021]<\/strong>\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nOn Tuesday, the Supreme Court will hear oral argument in <a href=https:\/\/www.scotusblog.com\/case-files\/cases\/united-states-v-cooley\/><EM>United States v. Cooley<\/EM><\/a>. At issue is whether the court should exclude evidence that a tribal police officer collected while detaining and searching a non-Indian driver stopped alongside a federal highway that runs through the reservation.\r\n<P><\/P>\r\n <em>Cooley<\/em> is a long overdue case that could potentially clarify what Indian tribal governments\u2019 lack of criminal jurisdiction over non-Indians means for tribal policing. It is also a reminder of just how different, complex and even bizarre federal Indian law can get. If this were a \u201cnormal\u201d police stop-and-search case, we would be asking only whether the officer had reasonable suspicion of criminal activity under the familiar standard set forth in <a href=https:\/\/casetext.com\/case\/terry-v-state-of-ohio><em>Terry v. Ohio<\/em><\/a>. But because the highway involved is within the boundaries of an Indian reservation, the officer is a tribal police officer and the defendant is a non-Indian, <em>Cooley<\/em> is anything but simple.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nCases like <em>Cooley<\/em> make Indian Country seem like a truly different country with fundamentally different laws than the rest of the United States. Not only is the court considering whether tribal officers even have Terry stop-and-search authority over non-Indians, but the on-the-ground realities of assessing Indian status also play a large \u2014 and somewhat awkward \u2014 role in the case. Indeed, the district court held that the police officer broke the law by not letting his initial assumption about the defendant\u2019s race change his conduct. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit, by contrast, held that the officer\u2019s mistake was that the first words out of his mouth weren\u2019t \u201cAre you an Indian, sir?\u201d \r\n<p><\/p>\r\nAnd at oral argument on Tuesday, the Supreme Court may consider everything from the impact of conquest on the <a href=http:\/\/www.crow-nsn.gov\/>Crow Tribe\u2019s<\/a> inherent sovereignty, to different spheres of government powers, treaties and statutes, to just how tribal officers can or should determine Indian status on the spot.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\n<em>Cooley<\/em> is a messy and complex case \u2013 even by Indian law standards \u2013 that the court may struggle to resolve cleanly. For court watchers coming off last term\u2019s decision in <a href=https:\/\/casetext.com\/case\/mcgirt-v-oklahoma?><em>McGirt v. Oklahoma<\/em><\/a>, this will likely be a sobering wake-up call as the court tries to navigate not the clear terms of a treaty or the developments of history but the mess it\u2019s made with its common law.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\n<blockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-width=\"500\" data-dnt=\"true\"><p lang=\"en\" dir=\"ltr\">Tribal nations were concerned about &quot;bad men&quot; when they negotiated treaties with the United States. But will the nation&#39;s highest court uphold those promises? <a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/hashtag\/HonorTheTreaties?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#HonorTheTreaties<\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/hashtag\/SupremeCourt?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#SupremeCourt<\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/sRuHkLAO4R\">https:\/\/t.co\/sRuHkLAO4R<\/a><\/p>&mdash; indianz.com (@indianz) <a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/indianz\/status\/1357372098491080706?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">February 4, 2021<\/a><\/blockquote><script async src=\"https:\/\/platform.twitter.com\/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\"><\/script>\r\n<P><\/P>\r\n<div class=\"h5-responsive sub\">The factual background<\/div>\r\nJust after 1 a.m. on Saturday, February 26, 2016, Crow Highway Safety Officer James Saylor was driving eastbound on federal Highway 212 on the <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Crow_Indian_Reservation\">Crow Indian Reservation<\/a>, when he noticed a white Dodge Ram pickup truck filled with personal belongings and bearing out-of-state plates idling on the side of the road. Helping drivers in crisis along this particularly remote stretch of 212 with spotty cell reception is a common part of Saylor\u2019s job. So he stopped and knocked on the driver\u2019s side of the truck  to ask if everything was OK. After shining his flashlight through the heavily tinted windows and observing an unclear response, Saylor asked the driver to roll down his window. The driver, Joshua Cooley, rolled down his window approximately six inches. Through the partially open window, Saylor observed three things: a little boy climbing onto Cooley\u2019s lap; that Cooley had bloodshot, watery eyes; and that Cooley \u201cappeared to be non-native.\u201d Cooley told Saylor that he pulled over to rest because he was tired, but otherwise he was fine.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nIt is at this point that federal Indian law enters the picture, because Indian tribes do not have criminal jurisdiction over non-Indians. The courts below diverge, and the justices will likely discuss on Tuesday, precisely what Saylor should or could have done from this point forward. He could have left after Cooley assured him everything was fine. He could have asked if Cooley was an Indian. He could have walked back to his car and called county or federal police to investigate the truck. But he didn\u2019t do any of those things.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nWhat Saylor did do was continue talking with Cooley. Cooley explained that he was driving back from a nearby town where he tried to buy a vehicle. The deal fell through, but the seller loaned him the white truck to get home. Saylor told Cooley the story didn\u2019t add up, and asked him to lower the window further, which Cooley did. Through the window, Saylor observed two semiautomatic rifles sitting in the front passenger seat. Cooley said the rifles belonged to the owner of the truck. At this point, Saylor asked for Cooley\u2019s ID. Cooley began pulling wads of cash from his pockets before stopping with his hand near his pocket, his breathing suddenly shallow and rapid, and looking straight ahead with a \u201cthousand-yard stare.\u201d\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nCooley\u2019s behavior indicated, in Saylor\u2019s experience, that he might be about to use force, so Saylor unholstered his service pistol and ordered Cooley to show his hands and carefully produce his license. Saylor walked to the passenger side of the car where he discovered not only the two rifles, but a loaded semiautomatic pistol with a round in the chamber sitting in the center console close to Cooley\u2019s right hand. After Saylor ordered Cooley and his son out of the truck, conducted a pat down and escorted Cooley to the patrol car, Cooley produced the kind of empty plastic bags that are commonly used to distribute methamphetamine, and mentioned that someone might be coming to meet him. Saylor radioed for backup from federal and county police from the patrol car before securing the truck. In the course of removing the firearms from the front seat, he discovered in plain view a glass pipe and plastic bag of methamphetamine.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nBased on the methamphetamine and guns Saylor found in the truck, Cooley was charged in federal court with both drug trafficking and firearms-related charges. Cooley moved to suppress the evidence as the fruit of an illegal search.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nAlthough the Fourth Amendment does not apply to tribal governments, a statutory analogue, the Indian Civil Rights Act, does protect persons from \u201cunreasonable searches and seizures\u201d by an Indian tribe. Cooley argues that the court should read this provision of ICRA to find that whenever an officer acts outside the tribe\u2019s jurisdictional authority, not only do they act unreasonably, but the remedy should be to exclude the evidence. The United States is arguing against the motion to suppress, and thus for Saylor\u2019s \u2014 and necessarily the Crow Tribe of Indians\u2019\u2014authority to search Cooley.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nAn initial question that the United States conceded below, but that Cooley maintains in his briefing just in case, is whether the \u201cexclusionary rule\u201d should apply to ICRA. In <a href=https:\/\/casetext.com\/case\/santa-clara-pueblo-v-martinez?><em>Santa Clara Pueblo v. Martinez<\/em><\/a>, the Supreme Court famously read ICRA\u2019s provisions as creating only one explicit remedy in federal court: habeas corpus. Over a dissent from Justice Byron White urging the court to fashion an equitable remedy, the court deferred to Congress\u2019 plenary power over Indian affairs and the text of ICRA as authorizing only that explicit remedy. The exclusionary rule is a judicially fashioned federal remedy for violations of the Fourth Amendment, but exists nowhere in the explicit text of ICRA. It is possible the court will raise this issue despite the concession below, since the applicability of the exclusionary rule one way or another would significantly change what kind of protections non-Indians receive in interactions with tribal police.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\n<figure>\r\n<img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" data-attachment-id=\"9261\" data-permalink=\"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/2021\/03\/22\/scotusblog-supreme-court-takes-up-messy-tribal-sovereignty-case\/crowreservation\/\" data-orig-file=\"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/03\/22\/crowreservation-scaled.jpg\" data-orig-size=\"2560,1707\" data-comments-opened=\"0\" data-image-meta=\"{&quot;aperture&quot;:&quot;5.6&quot;,&quot;credit&quot;:&quot;&quot;,&quot;camera&quot;:&quot;Canon EOS Rebel T6i&quot;,&quot;caption&quot;:&quot;&quot;,&quot;created_timestamp&quot;:&quot;1473382544&quot;,&quot;copyright&quot;:&quot;&quot;,&quot;focal_length&quot;:&quot;163&quot;,&quot;iso&quot;:&quot;160&quot;,&quot;shutter_speed&quot;:&quot;0.004&quot;,&quot;title&quot;:&quot;&quot;,&quot;orientation&quot;:&quot;0&quot;}\" data-image-title=\"Crow Reservation, Montana\" data-image-description=\"\" data-image-caption=\"&lt;p&gt;A view of the Crow Reservation from Interstate 90 in Montana. Photo: &lt;a href=https:\/\/commons.wikimedia.org\/wiki\/File:Crow_Reservation_14.jpg&gt;Montanabw&lt;\/a&gt;&lt;\/p&gt;\n\" data-large-file=\"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/03\/22\/crowreservation-1024x683.jpg\" src=\"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/03\/22\/crowreservation-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"crowreservation\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-9261\" \/>\r\n<figcaption class=\"figure-caption\">The Crow Reservation in Montana. Photo: <a href=https:\/\/commons.wikimedia.org\/wiki\/File:Crow_Reservation_14.jpg>Montanabw<\/a>\r\n<\/figcaption>\r\n<\/figure>\r\n<div class=\"h5-responsive sub\">The sovereign power to police as inherent and retained or implicitly divested<\/div>\r\nThe heart of this case is the scope of Indian tribes\u2019 power to police non-Indians. Beginning with the earliest Indian law cases, the Supreme Court has struggled with the question of just what tribal governments can and cannot do as conquered but surviving nations within the United States. Since tribes were once fully independent nations, but are now \u201cdomestic dependent nations,\u201d the court started off with a fairly bright-line rule that tribes retained those powers that weren\u2019t explicitly given up, taken or obviously lost when they were conquered (e.g., the power to sell their land or independently wage war). Powers given up (usually by treaty) and powers taken (usually by Congress in an exercise of its plenary power over tribes) were clear enough. But this final category, the powers that a tribe must have lost implicitly, has evolved significantly in a way that may prove difficult for the court in Cooley.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nIn 1978, in <a href=https:\/\/casetext.com\/case\/oliphant-v-suquamish-indian-tribe><em>Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe<\/em><\/a>, the Supreme Court held that tribal governments do not have the power to criminally prosecute non-Indians for crimes committed on their territory. The court held that such power was \u201cinconsistent with their status,\u201d since the United States would obviously not allow its citizens\u2019 liberty to be put in jeopardy \u2014 especially by such purportedly \u201clawless\u201d sovereigns \u2014 without political representation in the tribe, except under conditions sanctioned by Congress. Since Congress had not affirmatively granted tribes the power to prosecute non-Indians, tribes lacked the authority to do so.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nOliphant didn\u2019t overrule the retained-sovereignty framework, but it blurred the explicit-removal-of-powers requirement and partially turned it on its head, with tribes now asking Congress to affirmatively give them back certain powers. With <em>Oliphant<\/em>, and a series of cases that followed, the court continued to limit the powers of tribal governments \u2014 in particular over non-Indian persons or property \u2014 by finding that these powers likewise were part of this third category of powers: those implicitly lost by tribal governments. These \u201cimplicit divestiture\u201d cases, as they are called, have parsed tribal powers from many different angles, resulting in two distinctive lines of doctrine concerning tribes\u2019 criminal versus civil jurisdiction.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nAfter <em>Oliphant<\/em> took the first big chunk out of tribal criminal jurisdiction, the court in <a href=https:\/\/casetext.com\/case\/duro-v-reina><EM>Duro v. Reina<\/em><\/a> clarified that not only did tribes lack the power to prosecute non-Indians, they similarly lacked the power to prosecute Indians from other tribes until Congress affirmatively reaffirmed that power. Congress did, and then in <a href=https:\/\/casetext.com\/case\/united-states-v-lara-4><em>United States v. Lara<\/em><\/a>, the court upheld the legislative fix, making tribal criminal jurisdiction a matter of \u201cIndian status\u201d instead of membership in the prosecuting tribe. Congress has generally exercised its plenary power more often in the tribal criminal jurisdiction framework. Congress has, for example, placed limits on tribal court sentencing and required federal courts to play a substantial role in prosecuting certain crimes \u2013 like Cooley\u2019s \u2013 committed in \u201cIndian country,\u201d which a federal statute defines as including all land within the boundaries of a reservation, regardless of who owns or controls that land.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nIn the civil jurisdiction cases, the court did not hold that tribes could never adjudicate or regulate the civil conduct of non-Indians. Instead, these cases have chipped away slowly at everything but the tribes\u2019 inherent sovereign power to ensure the integrity of their self-governance and welfare of their citizens \u2014 read extremely narrowly. Congress didn\u2019t step in to extend tribal civil authority over other Indians as it did in the criminal context, making these cases about jurisdiction over tribal members versus non-members instead of Indians versus non-Indians. Importantly for <em>Cooley<\/em>, these cases also focus on who owns the land, reasoning that some tribal government powers are tied up in the tribe\u2019s power to exclude, and thus those powers are diminished when the land at issue is non-member owned \u201cfee land\u201d (reservation land no longer held in trust by the United States but privately owned) or a public right-of-way such as the highway in Cooley.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\n<div class=\"fb-post\" data-href=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/TheCrowTribe\/posts\/363642658383496\" data-width=\"552\" style=\"background-color: #fff; display: inline-block;\"><\/div>\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nOut of this web of cases, the 9th Circuit combined the right-to-exclude logic from the civil cases and the holdings from the criminal cases to develop the following rules. Tribal officers are allowed to initially stop vehicles on the highway only long enough to determine whether the driver is an Indian. If tribal officers observe a non-Indian engaged in an \u201capparent\u201d or \u201cobvious\u201d violation of federal or state law, they may detain them only for the amount of time it takes to deliver them to state or federal police. This standard \u2014 more stringent than either reasonable suspicion or even the probable cause needed to arrest someone \u2014 was applied by the lower courts in Cooley, which disagreed only on the correct procedure for determining Indian status: phenotype or questioning.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nIn their briefs, both Cooley and the United States draw interchangeably from the court\u2019s civil and criminal implicit divestiture jurisprudence to weave together a version of the jurisprudence that works for them. Moreover, they rely on primarily the same cases, albeit on separate parts of the opinions. For example, both parties rely heavily on a civil case, <a href=https:\/\/casetext.com\/case\/strate-v-a-1-contractors?><em>Strate v. A-1 Contractors<\/em><\/a>, in which the Supreme Court held that a tribal court did not have jurisdiction over a civil suit between two non-member motorists involved in a traffic accident on a state highway that runs through the reservation. \r\n<P><\/P>\r\nAs Cooley emphasizes, the similar land status, specifically the tribe\u2019s inability to exclude non-Indians from the highway, was important to the Strate court\u2019s determination that the tribe lacked civil adjudicatory jurisdiction. Moreover, Strate rejected the argument that the risk to tribe members from reckless drivers on a highway was enough of a tie to the core of tribal sovereignty or welfare to support civil jurisdiction. However, as the United States points out, Strate in a footnote says explicitly that: \u201cWe do not here question the authority of tribal police to patrol roads within a reservation, including rights-of-way made part of a state highway, and to detain and turn over to state officers nonmembers stopped on the highway for conduct violating state law.\u201d\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nThe United States also relies on language from <em>Duro<\/em>  saying that tribal criminal jurisdiction requires adjudication and prosecution, but which then goes on to mention tribal police officers\u2019 power to \u201cdetain the offender and transport him to the proper authorities.\u201d Since <em>Duro<\/em> clarified tribes lacked criminal adjudicatory powers, the government claims Duro supports  not only that tribal police power is not only separate, but broader than tribes\u2019 criminal adjudicatory power. Cooley counters that it cannot possibly be correct that tribal police power exceeds adjudicatory power, and cites \u2014 you guessed it \u2014 language from Duro stating that tribes do not have \u201ccriminal enforcement \u2026 power\u201d over non-Indians.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nBoth parties also point to subsequent enactments to support their version of retained sovereignty. Cooley relies on federal laws that allow for the cross-deputizing of police as proof that Congress contemplated another way for tribal police to have the power to stop and search non-Indians who break state or federal law. The United States points to ICRA as proof that Congress assumed police would search non-Indians, since it applies to \u201cpersons\u201d and not just \u201cIndians.\u201d The government also cites the Crow treaty, which contained a provision requiring that \u201cbad men\u201d be delivered to the U.S. government by the tribe upon \u201cproof\u201d of their wrongs \u2013 language suggesting the authority of the tribe to investigate non-Indians for violations of federal crimes. The court is unlikely to find at least the ICRA argument persuasive: In Oliphant, the tribe made the same argument about ICRA, and the court rejected it. The other points, however, could be trickier fodder for oral argument.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nIt is unclear what the court will make of all this, and whether the justices will be frustrated, confused or accepting of the jumbling of the court\u2019s civil and criminal Indian law cases. Implicit divestiture is a fundamentally common-law doctrine.  So as much as the parties make of all the logic and dicta in these prior cases, the court needn\u2019t heed any of it. It could try and make sense and consistency out of either of the party\u2019s implicit divestiture theories \u2014 or out of the inconsistencies in its own cases that the parties point to. Or, it could just make new common law for tribal police powers.\r\n<p><\/p><div class=\"mt-1 mb-1\"><ins class=\"adsbygoogle\" style=\"display:block; text-align:center;\" data-ad-layout=\"in-article\" data-ad-format=\"fluid\" data-ad-client=\"ca-pub-8411603009680747\" data-ad-slot=\"6394965691\"><\/ins><script>(adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || []).push({});<\/script><\/div><p><\/p>\r\n<div class=\"h5-responsive sub\">The practical realities<\/div>\r\nWhile many of the questions in Cooley sound like abstract questions that belong in a political theory class, the consequences of this case are very real, as many of the amici have painstakingly laid out. If the court holds that tribal police power over non-Indians is limited, it will have to confront the same question the 9th Circuit did: How does an officer operate under those limits without, well, asking or profiling? And how can a tribal police force implement an \u201cIndian status\u201d test that is reliable? In other words, what happens when everyone becomes a \u201cnon-Indian\u201d when they get pulled over? Do Indians have to carry cards now? The court could easily punt on this issue in any number of ways, but whether it should is a different matter entirely.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nAnd then there are the public safety consequences. A number of amicus briefs filed by tribes and tribal organizations explain that stripping tribal police of the power to police non-Indians would exacerbate an existing public safety crisis on Indian reservations, particularly concerning non-Indians who are already under-prosecuted for the crimes they commit there. As the United States points out, without this authority tribal officers might be in danger precisely in scenarios, like Cooley, where officers suspect that a person is about to use deadly force, and want to preemptively draw their weapons as a deterrent. \r\n<p><\/p>\r\nBecause an officer drawing their weapon is considered a seizure, requiring tribal officers to wait until an apparent or obvious violation until seizing someone makes this kind of preemptive weapons draw unlawful. Tribal officers would have to wait until after a gun is drawn on them first \u2014 an apparent and obvious violation \u2014 before drawing their own weapons. Nonetheless, Cooley undoubtedly has the best of this argument, because the court rejected precisely these kinds of drastic public safety concerns in Oliphant. The court in that case said that tribes should take it up with Congress to return powers the tribes just learned they had implicitly lost.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\nIn <em>Cooley<\/em>, the tribes could learn they lost another power, or they could solidify one they\u2019ve been exercising uneasily since <em>Oliphant<\/em>. It all depends on how the Supreme Court sees tribes\u2019 power to police within the context of their conquest.\r\n<p><\/p>\r\n<HR><EM><a href=https:\/\/www.law.uchicago.edu\/people\/elizabeth-reese>Elizabeth A. Reese<\/a> is a Bigelow Teaching Fellow and lecturer in law at the University of Chicago Law School.   Her areas of expertise include American Indian tribal law, federal Indian law, constitutional law, race and the law, and voting rights law. Her research examines how government structures, American history, and identity can explain\u2014or complicate\u2014the rights and powers of \u201cthe people\u201d generally and oppressed racial minorities specifically within American law. She is tribally enrolled at Nambe Pueblo where she an active member of her community.<p><\/p>\r\nReese wrote this <a href=https:\/\/www.scotusblog.com\/2021\/03\/tribal-police-drag-messy-indian-sovereignty-cases-back-to-the-court\/>article for SCOTUSBlog<\/a>, the Supreme Court of the United States Blog, on March 22, 2021. It is republished here under a <a href=http:\/\/creativecommons.org\/licenses\/by-nc-nd\/3.0\/us\/>Creative Commons license (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 US)<\/a>.\r\n<\/em><HR>\r\n<p><\/p>\r\n<strong>Recommended Citation: Elizabeth Reese, Tribal police drag messy Indian sovereignty cases back to the court, SCOTUSblog (Mar. 22, 2021, 10:02 AM), https:\/\/www.scotusblog.com\/2021\/03\/tribal-police-drag-messy-indian-sovereignty-cases-back-to-the-court\/<\/strong>\r\n<p><\/p>\r\n<div class=\"h5-responsive sub\">9th Circuit Court of Appeals Decisions<\/div>\r\n<a href=https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/11\/17-30022.pdf>United States v. Cooley [Panel Decision]<\/a> (March 21, 2019)<BR>\r\n<a href=https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/11\/17-30022b.pdf>United States v. Cooley [Denial of En Banc]<\/a> (January 24, 2020)\r\n<p><\/p>\r\n<div class=\"h5-responsive sub\">Indianz.Com on SoundCloud <\/div>\r\nJam out with the justices! Listen to lawyers! No, really, these are important <A \r\nhref=\"\/m.asp?url=https:\/\/soundcloud.com\/indianz\/sets\/supreme-court-oral-arguments\">U.S. \r\nSupreme Court cases<\/A>. <IFRAME height=450 \r\nsrc=\"https:\/\/w.soundcloud.com\/player\/?url=https%3A\/\/api.soundcloud.com\/playlists\/237404669&amp;color=%23ff5500&amp;auto_play=false&amp;hide_related=true&amp;show_comments=false&amp;show_user=false&amp;show_reposts=false&amp;show_teaser=false\" \r\nframeBorder=no width=\"100%\" scrolling=no allow=\"autoplay\"><\/IFRAME>\r\n<P><\/P>\r\n<div class=\"h4-responsive\">Related Stories<\/div><a href=\"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/2021\/02\/04\/u-s-supreme-court-sets-oral-argument-in-bad-men-treaty-right-case\/\" title=\"U.S. Supreme Court sets oral argument in \u2018bad men\u2019 treaty rights case\">U.S. Supreme Court sets oral argument in \u2018bad men\u2019 treaty rights case<\/a> (February 4, 2021)<a href=\"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/2020\/11\/23\/supreme-court-accepts-first-indian-law-case-in-new-conservative-era\/\" title=\"Supreme Court accepts first Indian law case in new conservative era\">Supreme Court accepts first Indian law case in new conservative era<\/a> (November 23, 2020)<BR><a href=\"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/2020\/10\/06\/supreme-court-opens-new-session-amid-covid-19-and-controversy\/\" title=\"Supreme Court opens new session amid COVID-19 and controversy\">Supreme Court opens new session amid COVID-19 and controversy<\/a> (October 6, 2020)","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"\u201cAre you an Indian, sir?\u201d The answer to the question is at the heart of a closely-watched case before the nation&#8217;s highest court.","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":9250,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"ngg_post_thumbnail":0,"_vp_format_video_url":"","_vp_image_focal_point":[],"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[20,13,1,14],"tags":[468,101,354,570,1311,1312,397,511,249,47,1310,220,84,154,44],"class_list":["post-9243","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-indian-trust","category-law","category-national","category-politics","tag-9th-circuit","tag-crime","tag-crow","tag-drugs","tag-elizabeth-reese","tag-icra","tag-jurisdiction","tag-law-enforcement","tag-montana","tag-race","tag-scotusblog","tag-sovereignty","tag-supreme-court","tag-treaties","tag-women","no-wpautop"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/03\/22\/supremecourt-scaled.jpg","jetpack_shortlink":"https:\/\/wp.me\/pcoJ7g-2p5","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9243","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=9243"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9243\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9250"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=9243"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=9243"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/indianz.com\/News\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=9243"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}